I tore open the envelope and found two USB thumb drives, along with a typewritten note containing detailed instructions for using various computer programs designed to provide maximum security, as well as numerous passphrases to encrypted email accounts and other programs I had never heard of. Rather than report the story quickly and aggressively, the Washington Post had assembled a large team of lawyers who were making all kinds of demands and issuing all sorts of dire warnings. The source—whose name, place of employment, age, and all other attributes were still unknown to me—asked if I would come to Hong Kong to meet him. We can guarantee for all people equal protection against unreasonable search through universal laws, but only if the technical community is willing to face the threat and commit to implementing over-engineered solutions. Whatever else was true, I knew that this person had resolved to carry out what the US government would consider a very serious crime. Virtually nobody had any idea that the Obama administration was doing any such thing. There is a particular tone and attitude that unites journalists, activists, and readers of mine, people who are equally alarmed by these trends. The next time Poitras flew out of the United States after the article ran, there was no interrogation and she did not have her materials seized.
I have been to the darkest corners of government, and what they fear is light. They act abusively and thuggishly only when they believe they are safe, in the dark. But the program is complicated, especially for someone who had very little skill in programming and computers, like me. The program essentially wraps every email in a protective shield, which is a code composed of hundreds, or even thousands, of random numbers and case-sensitive letters. Second, it would be very difficult to deny his status as a classic whistle-blower. We had evidence that would indisputably prove all that the government had done to destroy the privacy of Americans and people around the world. In a short time, we returned to a state of calm. Referring to events that proceeded from the NSA scandal, the note ended this way: The enclosed documents are real and original, and are offered to provide an understanding of how the global, passive surveillance system works so that protections against it may be developed. The source also said he was sending me a large file that I would be unable to access until the time was right. We sat in miserable, angry silence for ten minutes as the car was stuck in traffic on the way to JFK. The other striking facet of the archive was the extent of government lying it revealed, evidence of which the source had prominently flagged. Over the next couple of months, there was no harassment. I did not ask why he was in Hong Kong; I wanted to avoid appearing to be fishing for information. It was unconscionable to bring some stranger in at this late stage. He claimed to have access to some extremely secret and incriminating documents about the US government spying on its own citizens and on the rest of the world. I knew Laura was right: He could change his mind. In the face of my inaction, C. When officials at the highest levels of power, to specifically include the Vice President, are found on investigation to have personally directed such a criminal enterprise, what should happen? Had she obtained verification that this source was real? When I signed on to OTR the next morning, I said I was planning to leave for Hong Kong within days but first wanted to see some documents so that I understood the types of disclosures he was prepared to make. I was about to find out, from the best possible guide. That had happened very few times in the previous nine months, only once or twice, which meant that I had had very little interaction with the Guardian editors. Obviously, if any story warranted a heads-up, it was this one.
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